Russian Revolution of 1905
Bloody Sunday
In
1903, Russian workers were used to an 11 hour day throughout the week, with the
exception of Saturdays where only 10 were required. When pay was decreased in
1904 to offset a rise in the price of goods produced, the factory workers were
led by Father George Gapon and joined together in the Assembly of Russian
Workers. In this desperate need for change, 150,000 workers signed a petition
for an 8 hour workday, higher pay (including equal pay for women), improved
working conditions, medical care, and freedom of speech and press. On January
22, 1905 they marched peacefully to Winter Palace in St. Petersburg to present
the petition to Tsar Nicholas II and appeal for change, which was met with
immediate and brutal retaliation by the police force and the Cossacks resulting
in the massacre of 1,200 and casualties of 3,000 (although the “official”
numbers in Russia were drastically skewed to a mere 10% of the reality). These
numbers did not consist solely to those marching, but also included the unlucky
civilians that were caught in the crossfire when the protesters fled to nearby
houses for shelter from the attack. Considering this catastrophe could have
easily been avoided and ended peacefully, this tragedy was known henceforth as
“Bloody Sunday” and is considered to be what ignited the Russian Revolution of
1905.
Following Protests
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| Potemkin |
Immediately
students and middle-class workers protested with strikes and walk outs. Within
six months a widespread mutiny rose in the Army and Naval forces after hearing
news that a crew and firing squad aboard the Potemkin overthrew their captain for serving rotten meat. Finally,
at the close of the year the railroad workers joined the strike, essentially
crippling the Russian Railways. The people were banding together, and the Tsar
took the advice of his counsel and decided to placate them with the October
Manifesto in 1905. This document claimed to promise freedom of speech, trail
before imprisonment, and an organization called the Duma to approve of new laws
– although he retained the power to declare war, control the church, and
dissolve the Duma when he saw fit. When the Duma finally met in 1906, it
consisted of a very different structure than originally mentioned in the
Manifesto. In fact, when it attempted to make the changes that the people were
demanding (such as land reform) he dissolved it, only to reinstate and dissolve
yet again a year later in 1907.
Outcome
Overall,
the Russian Revolution of 1905 ended in 1907 without successfully removing the
Tsar or his tyrannical regime, but it did lay the groundwork for the future
revolution of 1917 which finally succeeded.
How it Relates to Against the Day
 |
| Nicholas II |
Russia’s struggles are paralleled
to America’s early in the text, when Webb’s temporary dynamite partner Veikko
mentions that “he’d never seen much difference between the Tsar’s regime and
American capitalism,” (83). Right away Pynchon distinguishes the workers
revolution from an “American” issue to a global problem, and emphasizes that it
comes in different forms of exploitation. Later, while the Chums of Chance visit
Candlebrow University, the secret Smegmo formula is referred to as “guarded
with a ruthlessness that would have embarrassed the Tsar of Russia,” (407). Here,
Pynchon is mocking how the Tsar of Russia reputed for over taxing the people
and spending immense funds from this fortune for his “protection” from the citizens
– likely because they weren't so fond of being over-taxed. Bloody
Sunday is most pointedly mentioned beginning a section, “That winter, in St.
Petersburg, troops at the Winter Palace fired thousands of unarmed strikers who
had marched there in respectfulness and innocence. Hundreds were killed and
wounded,” (595). The War Memorial
website supports the reference of the citizens being forced to flee following
the protests, shown just a just a few pages later, “By 1906 there were Russians everywhere, flown and fleeing westward,” (602). The Tsar is even tied to the
theme of multiple dimensions, “the Tsar can only be overthrown in three
[dimensions],” (616), which I took to be saying that even if the Tsar was
overthrown, it wouldn't be in the 4th dimension because the past can’t
be undone. Lastly, the significance of the Russian Revolution during the time
on the railroad system is emphasized with Swome saying “There’s never been a
revolution on quite that scale, you see, and it’s followed the railroads out
into Asia as well…” (630).
Sources
George Gapon The Story of my Life
www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/RUSsunday.htm
www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/RUSsunday.htm
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